Early Confucianism: A Basic Overview
Confucius is to China what Socrates
and in some ways Jesus Christ is to the West. His teachings are
fundamental not only to Chinese culture, but also much of East Asian culture.
"Confucianism" is a relatively recent term coined by Jesuit missionaries in the 16th century. The Chinese language knows no equivalent term, and the complex and ever-changing tradition Westerners call Confucianism was and still is generally called
Rujia or
Rujiao-- i.e. 'the traditional way of the scholars' and 'the teachings of the scholars' respectively. Confucius, about whom we know little with certainty, was one of many members of a semi-noble class called the Shi
https://history.followcn.com/2019/02/01/the-shi-as-a-noble-occupation/ , who were well educated, and though they lacked political power, worked as advisors and teachers helping to shape the policies of competing leaders (often warlords) during the period of great fragmentation in which the Zhou emperors progressively lost power to regional warlords and hegemons who fought with one another for power in the once integrated lands of the nominal Zhou Empire. Emperors, by the time of Confucius' were reduced to figureheads while real power lay in the hands of ambitious military leaders and hegemons of the time.
Confucius' teachings are known to us primarily by way of a collection of allegedly accurate transcriptions of conversations with some of his students (the
Lunyu or
Analects of Confucius). The earliest of these seems to first appear no sooner than 100 years after Confucius' death (his traditional dates are 551-479 BCE). The version we have now appears between 200 and 300 years after his death, and there were several other versions in circulation before China's first Emperor, Qin Shi Huang, had all R
ujia books (and any other books that contradicted his own policies) burned, and as many teachers and scholars as he could find executed-- often buried alive. Fortunately, the Qin Dynasty was very short lived, and those scholars who had escaped the Qin dragnet rewrote-- often from memory-- the classics of Confucius and others that had narrowly survived the burnings. At any rate, the Analects, which is the main text under consideration here, is comprised of fragments placed in no special thematic or chronological order, though many scholars believe that the first 9 chapters -- esp. 3-9-- were written earlier than the others. The Analects ("conversations" or Lunyu) appears to be cryptic and enigmatic at best to those who read it without commentaries, which is always how it is read in China. As far as biographical knowledge goes, we rely mainly on the Analects and later texts including Mencius, Xunzi, Taoists such as Chuang Tzu and, significantly, the court histories of the official historian of the Han Dynasty, Sima Qiang, whose writings--though valuable-- tend to blur the lines separating facts and legends or myths.
Confucius' teachings were presented by him as a distillation of the wisdom of earlier sages and wise governors-- mainly from the early Zhou Dynasty of the 11th century BCE, whom Confucius saw as paradigms of sagacity and virtue. He famously denied having any original doctrine, claiming to be a "transmitter and not an original thinker" (7.1). He specified the special place of early Zhou leaders saying: "We take the Zhou as our model." (3.14) Of all the Zhou leaders, one, The Duke of Zhou, was given pride of place, and is mentioned frequently in the Analects. The Duke of Zhou did not have a formal claim on power, but ruled as a regent for the underage King Cheng when the founding emperor, King Wu died.The Duke staved off rebellion, expanded territory, and, according to legend, established the principle of the "Mandate of Heaven" which would become an important aspect of Confucianism (esp. in the writings of Mencius). What is important for our purposes is Confucius' interpretation of history as a decline from a Golden Age (however accurate or not this may be) to the almost-anarchic state of affairs in his own time. Chinese culture (Huaxia) was being lost amidst the wars and corrupt feudal-type states of his era, in which peasants were routinely overworked and famines were very common.
Confucius' diagnosis and prescription for this perceived malady was moral in nature. Selfish rulers and citizens alike no longer had a sense of their place in society and the cosmos. For example, rulers acted as if they had no obligations to the ruled, and could rule with impunity. Confucius insists that the ruler who cannot rule over a sound economy in which peasants have food at the table have no business in government. At that time, this sounded more revolutionary than it might today. This, though, is only a basic starting point.
Genuine rulers, like those of the "Golden Age," must re-learn the Chinese classics, not merely intellectually but as a basis for proper living in order to cultivate virtue (
De) and benevolence (
Ren) which are to be expressed in a panoply of rituals (
Li) that should guide people from the cradle to the grave. A lifelong moral training would result in a state in which the ideal person (
Junzi) embodies virtue gracefully and effortlessly (
Wu wei, i.e. graceful or effortless action). Such an education of character was to be understood as nothing less than the re-appropriation of the ancient wisdom of the sages of yore which could not be improved on. For what these sages had mastered was The Tao, the eternal way of being which conforms to the Will of Heaven (
Tianming), understood as an immanent moral force that has desires which are perfect and wise, and which is capable of punishing and rewarding human beings, especially rulers.
Originally
Tian (Heaven) was worshiped as a sky-god, but became less anthropomorphic while taking on a decidedly moral cast during the middle Zhou era. It was worshiped increasingly as the moral order of the universe rather than as a specific deity or being. Yet this moral order retained such properties as desire, will, judgment and the ability to act on the world so as to punish or reward people-- especially political leaders. Confucius assumes as much, but is silent on the details of all things supernatural, focusing instead on what can be done here in this world (e.g. see Analects 6.22 and 11.12). The
Mandate of Heaven or
Tianming (which makes rulers or "sons of Heaven" legitimate) can be stripped from leaders who do not act virtuously, or in accordance with the Tao (note Taoists will interpret the Tao in somewhat different ways, largely in response to Confucian teachings). When Heaven's Mandate is lost, it was thought that signs and portents would appear in the form of natural disasters, eclipses or famines. These were signs that leadership had weakened or become corrupt. Confucians concentrated less on such signs as on the ethical prerequisites for gaining and maintaining the mandate. This requires the inculcation of leadership virtues that conform to the will of Heaven and thus to the eternal way of the cosmos, or the Tao.
Confucius himself was viewed as something of an expert on
Huaxia or traditional Chinese culture, and taught the Tao (the established way or path) of the ancients found in such books as The I Ching (originally a book on divination which came to include philosophical elements);
The Book of Ode
s (a collection of what might be called folk songs from the earlier Zhou era) and various documents that recount the history of Chinese civilization from the legendary rulers of the Xia Dynasty (about whom almost nothing is known) through the Shang and the Zhou dynasties. In later centuries, when Confucian thought (
Rujia) became the official ideology of the Han Dynasty, five books were canonized as '
The Five Classics."
These are:
The I Ching, The Book of Odes(both mentioned above),
The Spring and Autumn Annals (historical records pertaining to the state of Lu, which was Confucius' place of birth),
The Book of Documents (containing semi-legendary and legendary stories about pre-Zhou dynasties) and
The Book of Rites (or rituals). The centerpiece of Confucius' teachings and thought is to be found in
The Analects of Confucius (Lunyu or 'conversations' of Confucius) in which Confucius draws on such texts as the 5 classics, interpreting them in ways that were innovative (despite his claim that he was not an original thinker) and have formed much of the basis for Chinese culture, politics, religion and philosophy ever since. His influence cannot be exaggerated. Confucianism is as fundamental to Chinese civilization and culture as were rationalistic Greek philosophy and Christianity in the West.
The Core Teachings:
Confucius' teachings have as their goal nothing less than the perfection of human conduct from the ruler down to the peasant. Of course, he doesn't expect this to be thoroughly realized, but it is the ideal end or purpose underlying Analects and other texts used by Confucians. Good conduct must be realized a) in communal settings characterized by much face-to-face interaction and b) involve the mastery of intricate rituals appropriate to the specific situations in which people interact. This "ritual propriety" which suffuses all relationships is not to be confused with mere etiquette in the sense of external behaviors. It is essential to understand
li (ritual propriety) as
sincere expression of reverence for what many westerners might see as "mundane matters." Learning, for example, the proper way to bow, sit, serve food, mourn, celebrate holidays, marry, address others, etc. may seem relatively unimportant from a moral perspective today, but it is only through the proper use of significant words and gestures that our sincere feelings of appreciation, respect, reverence, sympathy and even love can be reliably communicated. Weddings and funerals, for example, allow us to come together to share some of the profoundest human feelings and thoughts about life, love and death. The internalization of ritual propriety can be illustrated by discussing the way Confucius used the Book of Odes (folk songs). By singing these revered songs-- a ritual activity-- Confucius believed that students could come to embody the wisdom they contain. One of the odes/songs, for example, is sung from the point of view of farmers oppressed by unjust rulers that overtax them even as they endure food shortages and hunger.
"Big rat, big rat/ Do not gobble our millet!/ Three years we have slaved for you, /Yet you take no notice of us." (The Book of Songs, trans. A. Waley: New York: Grove Press, 1960, p.309).
As stated above, Confucius held that no ruler incapable of providing for the basic needs of his subjects is a worthy ruler, and the Book of Odes provides a ritualized way of channeling grievances. By learning such a song, Confucius' students engaged in a ritual which also cultivated appropriate sympathy for the poor farmers whose lives depended on their produce. Without learning and singing such a song, it might be easy for the educated elites studying with Confucius to become insensitive to the needs of the ordinary farmers who comprised the majority of citizens. More generally, Confucius says this about the Book of Odes:
"The songs number 300, but I will cover their meaning in a single phrase: 'Let there be no depravity in your thoughts.' (2.2: Dawson trans.).
Another translation in Bryan Van Nordon has "Oh, they [the songs] will not lead you astray." As Van Norden states of this quotation, "In other words, the Odes ultimately are a guide to not swerving from the Way (Tao). " (p.30) So while some have criticized Confucius for emphasizing these songs and other rituals merely as mechanical means to solidarity, Confucius praised the
wisdom of their content at every turn, pointing to the manner in which internal states (feelings, attitudes, thoughts, intentions etc.) must coincide with external rituals ( e.g. singing of odes, mourning the dead, marrying, bowing properly, etc.). The worst outcome for Confucius, was one in which people do not know why they behaved as they do, lack the deeper understanding of rituals and, even worse, behave according to the right external forms while inwardly harboring mental states that run counter to their meaning (e.g. mourning in the prescribed fashion but without inner feelings of grief).
Indeed, funeral rites were very important, as
filial piety is the basis for a just social order, and veneration of ancestors is basic to Huaxia or Chinese culture. When one's mother or father dies, the traditional period of mourning was three years. This involved avoiding fancy clothes, festive foods and practical activities when possible. This was criticized even by Confucius' student, Zai Wo, who complains in the Analects that 3 years is too long, and wastes time that might be better spent enjoying life and getting on with practical activities such as farming. In Analects (17.19) Confucius askes Zai Wo:
" 'If you were then to eat good rice and wear embroidered clothes, would you feel at ease?' 'Yes,' he replied. 'If you would be at ease then by all means do so,' said the Master...When Zai Wo had left, the master said...As for [Zai Wo's] inhumaneness, it is not until a child is three years old that it escapes [the need of] being nursed by its parents. The three years' mourning is the mourning universally adopted by all under Heaven. Surely, Zai Wo had three years' love from his parents?" (Dawson trans. 17.19)
Here we can see that one of the most prolonged and serious rituals discussed in Analects is not taught in the spirit of imitating outward behaviors without inner understanding of right motivation, underlying emotions, and an explanation of the function and origin of the ritual. Unlike a cruel taskmaster, Confucius says, in essence, "if you don't get the point of the ritual you may as well not do it; go and eat all the fancy food you like if you are 'at ease.'" But once Zai Wo leaves the room, Confucius imparts the real lesson regarding this ritual to the students left in his presence. As with all rituals, it is meaningful only if the outward form is supported by the appropriate underlying emotional state (in this case, genuine feelings of sorrow and loss). It must also be matched by internal understanding of its purpose (to express gratitude for the many years of love and nurturance the parent provided to the child). Without these and other internal states (reverence and love), the rituals, however perfectly executed behaviorally, are like corn husks without corn-- empty formalities. Viewing Confucian
li (ritual propriety) in this way is one of the most common and serious misunderstandings of the entire Confucian project of action in accordance with the Tao. Just as the odes enable the noble classes to sympathize with peasants by assuming their viewpoint in songs about being exploited, as cited above, so we are asked not merely to mourn (i.e. wear certain mourning clothes, participate in funerary rites, etc.) but to undergo the corollary feelings/emotions, desires, motives and intellectual understandings that alone give vitality and spiritual significance to rituals.
The
junzi (ideal person as opposed to the "petty person") will eventually move through life largely in terms of the prescribed rituals as if by second nature. He (or in our own times 'she') will be fully present and sincere when bowing, eating, singing or mourning in accordance with the Tao by means of the rituals long ago prescribed by sages. Everyday life, then, becomes something like an aesthetically graceful dance in which the dancers are not merely "going through the motions" but rather intimately connected with their every movement in a way that has been so thoroughly internalized as to be perfectly natural, effortless and unselfconscious. As any advanced musician or dancer knows, there comes a point where one is no longer thinking about technique while playing or dancing, because years of training have led to an ease and graceful spontaneity that has virtue, the root word of "virtuosity." This is Wu Wei (a state of "flow" and spontaneity while doing things one originally had to learn, e.g. walking, talking, riding a bicycle, driving or playing an instrument). Of course, Taoists will have much more to say about Wu Wei, some of it critical of the Confucian approach-- but there is also similarity between the 2 schools.
So insightful and sincere activity channeled through ancient rituals is what beautifies and intensifies spirituality in our everyday lives from farming, to interacting with loved ones in the family right up to honoring officials who have performed their duties well. But in order to better appreciate some of these examples, we turn now, to the cardinal virtues of Confucian thought as expressed in the "5 Basic Relationships" taught by Confucius.
PART II
The Necessary Virtues of the Ideal Person and the 5 Basic Relationships:
The ideal person (
junzi) must act in accordance with necessary virtues which have no exact Western equivalents. These virtues are most visible in our interactions with others. These interactions are, in turn, best understood in terms of the values, norms and roles so carefully articulated by Confucius and those who followed in his path. Again, the roots of all this are already evident in ancient writings from the sages of Ancient China.
Basic virtues include
Ren (benevolence)
De ( moral force or virtue),
Li (ritual propriety which was discussed in the previous section)
Wu Wei (also discussed above) and
Remonstrance (the obligation to tactfully and respectfully correct superiors, but backing down if they refuse to stand corrected). There are others, but for a short overview like this one these are the essentials.
Ren is a sine qua non. Without it no moral cultivation is possible. It is also, perhaps, the most elusive of all these terms. Confucius refers to
ren as the "single thread that runs" through all philosophy, all aspects of the Tao. A reasonably good starting point is to define it as a form of "benevolence" as many translators have it. The character for
ren in Chinese pictures a man with the number two (represented as 2 horizontal lines) directly to his right. This signifies the irreducibility of virtue to any single individual. We are social through and through. To cultivate or learn virtue is possible only through interactions with at least one other being. One can be benevolent only when others are there to be treated well. One can appreciate benevolence or good will only when others are there to demonstrate it in action. Still, ren is used frequently and conspicuously little is said about it by way of definition. It is so basic to so many other virtues, that it is hard to pin down verbally. For example, when discussing righteousness (
yi), loyalty (
zhong) or faithfulness (
xin) we are already presupposing good will. It motivates righteousness, provides the basis of loyalty, and is demonstrated by long-lasting faithfulness, for example to loved ones. What is the common denominator of all these and other virtues, then? It is outgoing love, solicitude and/ or sympathy that is sometimes stronger (e.g. for members of one's family) and sometimes less strong (e.g. fellow citizens whom one has never met before a given interaction). Confucius does not expect nor advise people to feel and act on benevolence in equal measure to any and all persons with whom we interact. Contrary to something like Christian
agape (equal love felt and shown to all human beings precisely because they
are human beings),
ren will naturally be felt more intensely towards those with whom we are intimate than strangers. This is endorsed by Confucians as the natural way of things or The Tao, and is sometimes called the principle of "differentiated caring" by Confucian scholars. Put simply, we usually do have and
ought to have a greater sense of moral obligation toward those with whom we are bound in community-- esp. friends and kin. A passage from Analects helps to illustrate this.
A regional governor bragged to Confucius that his subjects were so virtuous that one had recently turned his own father in for stealing a sheep. Confucius replied:
"In my locality, those who are upright are different from those. Fathers cover up for their sons, and sons cover up for their fathers. Uprightness is to be found in this. (Dawson trans. 13.18)
This, of course, doesn't mean that the son sanctions the father's behavior, and as a good son his role obligates him to
remonstrate (respectfully show disapproval of the behavior and attempt to correct the father who has stolen.) But any other philosophical schools in China (e.g. the Mohists who counseled universal love on an equal basis) and, of course, many Western moral views from Ancient Greece and the teachings of Jesus Christ right up to Kant, are highly critical of any such idea of preferential treatment, i.e. of making distinctions based on role differences. "Covering up" for a thief, no matter how close a relation, is immoral. Moral principles are universal, they apply equally to every person. Further, special treatment of loved ones thwarts the development of universal love-- the essence of religiosity and also of theories of Universal Human Rights. At worst, it justifies or rationalizes nepotism, favoritism, chauvinism and other dysfunctional practices that interfere with the development of just and fair ethical practice. What do the Confucians have to say about all this?
They point out that ethical theory that is not capable of being realized ordinary people is ultimately moot. Most, perhaps all people-- with a few exceptions such as alleged Saints and Boddhisattvas-- simply cannot feel impartial love for all persons including those from other lands, those not yet born, strangers, malefactors etc. The Mohist ideal (or Christian or Buddhist as well) of equal and impartial love for all is at odds with the natural tendency to, for example, become far more upset when a loved one dies than a stranger. To take another example, we don't all give equal attention and equally valuable gifts to everybody whose birthdays we happen to know.There is a certain kind of universal love endorsed by Confucians, but it must be set apart from those many important forms which come about through interaction and emotional attachment. Thus something like agape or universal love is captured in Analects 12.5 in which a disciple complains that unlike most other men, he has no brothers. He is told that
"if [you] are a gentleman [junzi or ideal person], if [you] show courtesy in all your dealings with others, and observe the obligations of ritual [li], then all within the 4 seas are your brothers." In other words, the person who approaches the ideal state of the sage sees all people as, metaphorically and spiritually, "brothers/sisters." This shows that Confucianism does not lack an appreciation of the basic humanism at the heart of so many philosophies and religion, but rather that it recognizes that it is far easier to discuss such virtue than it is to feel and manifest it. It is only when one approaches the understanding of a realized sage that such fellow-feeling is truly activated in the inner life and outward behavior of any given individual.
Further, it is erroneous to assume that greater love or sympathy for certain people (e.g. friends and relations) than for strangers somehow entails blase attitude of indifference towards the latter. Again, the more one cultivates wisdom, the greater will be his or her capacity to feel love towards all human beings based on deep empathy and understanding of the human condition. It's simply that other crucial ethical precepts and behaviors are perfectly compatible with human psychology at a less developed stage. Thus we need ethical principles that can be practiced sincerely by those who are not saints and sages, but rather ordinary human beings. Confucius was, in this sense, a realist. It should also be remembered that dynastic governments in China depended on deeply loyal familial bonds, and this requires
filial piety.
Ren, then is a necessary condition for most other virtues and for the expression of such virtues as loyalty on which society and governance depend for their legitimacy and stability. It is good will and benevolence which undergird so much of what we do and expect others to do in daily life in and outside of politics.
If
ren is hard to define, it is made palpable to all by means of the many rituals we have already discussed
(li or "
ritual propriety" as in the cases of mourning, singing, marrying, bowing etc.). Put differently, these rituals-- the glue of society-- are hollow and mechanical when the vital element of
ren (benevolent spirit) is absent.
Li minus
ren (benevolence) comes to nought. The external and internal worlds (i.e. behavior and underlying feelings and intentions) must be aligned, and both must conform to the Way or Tao which is not a set of man-made laws or norms, but ageless principles of being etched into, and constitutive of the cosmos or natural order itself. Just as
ren and
li must be correlative, so must Heaven and Earth. Tanxia (all things under heaven) must express the "will of Heaven" and thus the eternal way of being-- The Tao.
The Tao of Confucius is far more social than that of Taoists, many of whom lived as hermits and reacted against Confucian thought. They came to form the second of China's 3 principle teachings, the Taojia (the school of the Taoists). According to Confucius, the will of Heaven dictates that all is well only when certain social roles and rituals are properly understood and practiced, both in politics and society generally. A special emphasis is placed on familial relations (
familial piety). In order to understand the basic Confucian virtues such as
ren, de and
wu wei (i.e. benevolence, moral force and effortless action) we must first understand the five basic relationships in Confucian thought, viz., Father and son; ruler and subject; husband and wife; elder and younger brother; and friend and friend.
The first thing to note is that all these relationships, with the exception of friend/friend, presuppose a hierarchical and patriarchal social structure. Even friendships in Chinese culture are embedded in hierarchies to varying degrees. Which is the older and which the younger friend? Has one achieved greater rank or education than the other? To the extent that social differentiation exists between friends it will probably find expression in the various interaction rituals (greetings, titles used to address others etc.) that suffuse the relationship. But the most important relationships in Confucianism are those within families. Sincerely felt adherence to the rituals binding on family members are at the core of Confucianism. The observance of such rituals is called "Ritual Piety," and much of East Asian culture from the household to the government cannot be properly understood without some appreciation of the hold ritual propriety still has on East Asians. Today we even see it reflected in "filial piety" laws that obligate adult children to look after their aging parents. Confucius believed that when laws are necessary to uphold filial piety, it is already very weak. The basis for social cohesion and shared morality in Confucian thought is not law (as often is the case in the West) but folkways and rituals that are enacted with genuine enthusiasm and good will because they are so deeply internalized. In each of the five relationships, both parties have obligations to the other, and these are emphasized over privileges.
The son is obliged to yield to the will of his father. This is not seen as the father's "privilege" to impose his will on the son, but rather as the proper and natural way for sons to relate to fathers. Why is it not primarily a privilege? Because the reason the father's will prevails is that his obligation to raise his child properly, to educate his son (again today this holds females be they mothers or daughters) is one not taken lightly. The father is responsible for teaching his son/s right and wrong, imparting survival skills as well as intricacies of li (rituals) so that he can enter into society productively, etc. So the authority of the father is not a blank check any more than the ruler's authority over the subject. Both must conform to the eternal way (Tao) which means that various feelings, motives and intellectual understandings must be present in both parties of the relationship. This is true of husband and wife and siblings as well. To the extent that the behavior and underlying emotions and motives deviate from the Tao, to that extent the father, son, brother, wife, mother etc. is only a father, son, brother etc. in name. A father in name only is not a real father any more than a deviant ruler is a legitimate governor. So, far from being a superficial doctrine, filial piety (the core of our sociality and of our polities) are classed either as being
real or
merely nominal. A merely nominal leader does not enjoy the Mandate of Heaven, and Mencius (a Confucian who wrote about 150 yrs after Confucius died) fleshes this out by providing an argument that allows for the overthrow of merely nominal leaders (e.g. emperors in name only who do not live up to their obligations to those they rule, starting with adequate food for the peasants).
Here we arrive at one of the most important doctrines in Confucianism which is known as the "Rectification of Names." When Confucius is asked by a student what he would first do if he gained power in a state to set things right, he answered, thus:
"What is necessary is to rectify names, is it not?...If names are not rectified, then words are not appropriate. If words are not appropriate, then deeds are not accomplished." (17:3)
What does this mean, exactly? Well, lets take the example of a father who behaves like a so-called "dead-beat dad" by shirking financial obligations to the family, spending nights drinking with bar-friends and who does nothing to help his son/s to be prepared for school assignments. Unless all of these deficiencies are addressed, the father is not behaving like a good father, and for Confucius the point of being called by the name, "father" is to capture in language certain properties that are implied by the definition of that term. Confucius is not referring to biological facts alone, but as always, the socially expressed traits that hold societies together and reveal good character. He uses the term "father" rather as a family psychologist might, taking note of the necessary traits of a "good father" or, at the very least, a "functional father." When the name "Father" is used widely in a society that lacks a large number of functional or good fathers, the word and the referent of the word no longer correspond to one another. This may be a linguistic problem, but it is also an existential and societal one. It means that men who don't behave like fathers are able to pass themselves off as genuinely good or functional fathers. This divergence of word and referent in the area of fundamental roles and relationships is a sure sign of social decay or the decline of crucial virtues, norms and rituals needed to uphold a stable and decent society.
This is even more problematic if political power is arrogated by warlords or other leaders who have a great sense of privilege and power with little or no corresponding sense of obligation to those they rule. Names like "King" or "Emperor" carry certain dignified meanings that derive from the sincere enactment of obligations such as not overtaxing the poor, and providing infrastructure so that the quality of life for citizens is not allowed to lapse into a state of abject filth and decrepitude. Again, under certain conditions of neglect, Confucians (esp. Mencius) will argue that the irresponsible leader has forfeited the mandate of Heaven, meaning that a rebellion or coup can be looked upon as just and proper.
The upshot of all this is that the basic relationships, and the intricately interwoven rituals through which they unfold are not to be understood in terms of blind conformity to those with power-- though, like any system, Confucian thought can be abused resulting in corrupt behavior. The Confucian outlook prioritizes a state of affairs in which as many people as possible in all sectors of society understand and feel at home with their various roles and responsibilities, and expect others to be similarly situated within what is experienced as a hierarchical but highly ethical cosmos in which the will of Heaven is made manifest on Earth by means of the sincere and deeply internalized moral codes and rituals that are social aspects of the eternal Tao governing the cosmos (Heaven and Earth or Tanxia-- lit. "all things under Heaven."
References and Suggested Reading:
-Confucius: The Analects: trans. Raymond Dawson, Oxford Press, NY, 1993
-A Short History of Chinese Philosophy by Falun Yu-Lan: Free Press, 1976
-Introducing Chinese Religions by Mario Poceski: Routledge, 2009
-Introduction to Classic Chinese Philosophy by Bryan van Norden: Hackett Press: 2011
-Beyond The Secular West: ed. Akeel Bilgrami: Columbia U Press: 2016
-Disputers of The Tao by A.C. Graham: Open Court Press: 2003~
-The Book of Songs: trans. Arthur Waley, Grove Press: 1960
-Sources of Chinese Tradition (Volume I): compiled by Wm. Theodore De Barrhy, Wing-Tsit Chan and Burton Watson: Columbia Univ. Press, 1960
Question: How does the early Confucian ethical world view differ
from that of Western philosophical and religious conceptions of ethics
and the good life?
