Christian Nationalism and the MAGA Coalition: From Central Driver to Coalition Partne

 

The political influence of Christian nationalism (CN) in the United States has shifted dramatically since the late 2010s. While CN was once at the heart of the Trump 1.0 coalition, it is now just one of several powerful factions shaping the MAGA movement’s authoritarian turn. This essay traces the evolution of CN’s role, the conceptual challenges in defining it, and the broader coalition dynamics that now drive American right-wing politics.

Christian Nationalism in the Trump 1.0 Era

During Trump’s first term, CN—broadly encompassing right-wing evangelicals, conservative Catholics, and newly politicized Hispanic Christians—was a core, arguably indispensable, part of Trump’s electoral base and policy agenda. Trump’s high-profile gestures (Bible photo-ops, “chosen one” rhetoric) and his reliance on Leonard Leo for judicial appointments were direct appeals to this bloc. The policy agenda reflected CN priorities: abortion restrictions, opposition to LGBTQ+ rights, and a strong emphasis on “religious liberty.” Katherine Stewart’s The Power Worshippers captured this moment, warning of the ascendancy of a radical right-wing Christian network. While her use of the CN label was sometimes imprecise, it reflected real trends: a coherent, influential bloc of pro-Trump Christians whose support was essential to Trump’s legitimacy and power.

Conceptual Challenges and Historical Discontinuities

Despite its utility, the CN concept has been subject to significant analytical sloppiness.

>> Historical Discontinuity: Today’s CN movement is more ecumenical and coalition-based than its 19th-century predecessors, which were explicitly Protestant, nativist, and exclusionary of Catholics, immigrants, and non-white groups. The current coalition includes conservative Catholics and a more diverse ethnic base, marking a clear break from earlier Christian American ideologies.

>> Failure to Disaggregate: Analyses often lump together all evangelicals and conservative Christians, overlooking the fact that many reject theocratic ambitions or differ sharply on political theology.

>> Overbroad Application: The CN label sometimes obscures the complexity of the broader right-wing coalition, which now includes anti-woke crusaders, pro-Israel hawks, tech-libertarians, and donor class actors with varying degrees of overlap and alignment with CN priorities.

Trump 2.0: A Broader, More Complex Coalition

The current MAGA coalition is best described as a “dizzying array” of factions.

>> Christian Nationalists: Still influential, especially on abortion and religious liberty, but no longer the central driver. Figures like Russ Vought represent CN within the administration, but their policy goals are now supported—and often overshadowed—by broader groups.

>> Anti-Woke Movement: The most visible driver of authoritarian policy, leading efforts to defund universities, crack down on DEI, and control curricula. Their rhetoric and influence frequently eclipse CN in federal policymaking.

>> Pro-Israel Coalition: Including Christian Zionists, Jewish conservatives, and the pro-Israel lobby, this group shapes both foreign and domestic policy, especially around anti-BDS and Title VI/IX reinterpretations. Their influence is not only financial but also ideological and organizational.

>> Tech-Libertarians and Donor Class: Billionaires like Elon Musk and Peter Thiel, along with crossover donors, drive administrative state dismantling, surveillance initiatives, and privatization—goals not rooted in CN ideology.

>> America First Movement: The America First faction, including isolationists and anti-interventionists (e.g., Tucker Carlson, Marjorie Taylor Greene), is increasingly butting heads with the pro-Israel wing, especially as the risk of U.S. involvement in new Middle East conflicts rises. This has led to the pejorative label “Israel First” being used by America Firsters to criticize those prioritizing Israeli interests over American non-interventionism.

>> Populist and MAHA Elements: Supporters of figures like RFK Jr. add further diversity, often with little connection to CN.

Policy Implications and Future Trajectory

>> CN’s Diminished Centrality: The absence of a federal abortion ban—a core CN priority—underscores the movement’s limited influence on national policy. Trump has distanced himself from overt CN symbolism and figures like Leonard Leo, signaling a shift in coalition priorities.

>> Authoritarian Policies Driven by Other Factions: The most aggressive authoritarian moves (targeting universities, museums, and federal agencies) are primarily propelled by anti-woke and pro-Israel agendas, not CN rhetoric.

>> Resilience of the Coalition: The coalition’s pluralism ensures that even if CN influence wanes, other factions will continue to advance the authoritarian agenda. Russ Vought’s CN-aligned policies are often supported by non-CN groups, further demonstrating the coalition’s adaptability.

>> Overstated Dystopian Fears: The common fear of a “Handmaid’s Tale”-style dystopia is overstated; the MAGA coalition’s authoritarianism is real but is shaped by a complex interplay of secular, technocratic, and pro-Israel interests as much as by CN.

Conclusion

Christian nationalism remains a significant player in American politics, but it is no longer the core driver of the MAGA coalition’s authoritarian turn. The coalition’s momentum is now sustained by overlapping interests and strategic alliances among anti-woke, pro-Israel, tech-libertarian, America First, and populist factions. Future political developments will depend on the evolving balance of power within this coalition, not on CN alone. Careful disaggregation and historical contextualization are essential for understanding both the real influence of CN and the broader, more heterogeneous forces now shaping the American right.

References / Further Reading

Vox, “Donald Trump is building a strange, new religious movement,” June 2025.

Katherine Stewart, The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism. Bloomsbury, 2020.

ECPS, “Professor Ingersoll: The Theocratic Blueprint of Christian Nationalism, Reconstructionism, and Catholic Integralism Behind Trump’s Agenda,” Feb. 2025.

American Bridge PAC, “Russell Vought on Christian Nationalism,” 2024.

Contending Modernities, “Rejecting Project Esther: Understanding Christian and White Christian Nationalism,” May 2025.

The Conversation, “US election 2024: Donald Trump and the rise and rise of the Christian nationalists,” Aug. 2024.

The Atlantic, “The MAGA Coalition Has Turned on Itself,” June 2025.

The Hill, “Battle to define 'America First' intensifies as Israel strikes Iran,” June 2025.

Reddit, “Why I think the pro-Israel lobby is problematic,” July 2024.

+972 Magazine, “Junk the term 'Israel-Firster',” Jan. 2012.

Politico, “Trump allies prepare to infuse 'Christian nationalism' in second administration,” Feb. 2024.

BBC, “Trump's Iran dilemma exposes bitter split in president's circle,” June 2025.

NPR, “‘America First,’ Invoked By Trump, Has A Complicated History,” July 2016.

Reddit, “Why are so many 'America first' conservatives hawkish about Israel?” Jan. 2025.

Note: The term “Israel First” as a pejorative is being used by America Firsters to critique pro-Israel hawks within the MAGA coalition, especially amid debates over possible U.S. involvement in a war with Iran. This intra-coalition tension is a key feature of the current right-wing landscape.

 

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Christian Nationalism and the MAGA Coalition: From Central Driver to Coalition Partner

The political influence of Christian nationalism in the United States has undergone a dramatic transformation since the late 2010s. What was once the beating heart of the Trump 1.0 coalition has evolved into just one voice among many in a complex chorus of factions driving the MAGA movement's authoritarian trajectory. This shift represents not merely a change in political emphasis, but a fundamental restructuring of how power operates within the American right-wing coalition.

The Golden Age of Christian Nationalism

During Trump's first presidency, Christian nationalism occupied a position of unmistakable centrality within the conservative coalition. This broad tent encompassed right-wing evangelicals, conservative Catholics, and a growing contingent of newly politicized Hispanic Christians, all united by a vision of America as fundamentally shaped by Christian identity and values. Trump's theatrical gestures—the infamous Bible photo-op outside St. John's Church, his messianic "chosen one" rhetoric, and his systematic reliance on Leonard Leo for judicial appointments—were calculated appeals to this influential bloc.

The policy agenda of this era bore the unmistakable imprint of Christian nationalist priorities. Abortion restrictions, opposition to LGBTQ+ rights, and an expansive interpretation of "religious liberty" dominated the conservative agenda. Katherine Stewart's The Power Worshippers captured this moment with prescient clarity, warning of the ascendancy of a radical right-wing Christian network that was reshaping American politics. While Stewart's application of the Christian nationalist label was sometimes imprecise, her analysis reflected genuine trends: a coherent, influential bloc of pro-Trump Christians whose support was essential to Trump's political legitimacy and governing power.

The Conceptual Muddle

Despite its analytical utility, the concept of Christian nationalism has been plagued by significant intellectual sloppiness that undermines our understanding of contemporary American politics. The most glaring problem is historical discontinuity. Today's Christian nationalist movement bears little resemblance to its 19th-century predecessors, which were explicitly Protestant, nativist, and exclusionary toward Catholics, immigrants, and non-white groups. The contemporary coalition is notably more ecumenical and coalition-based, incorporating conservative Catholics and a more ethnically diverse base—a clear departure from earlier iterations of Christian American ideology.

Equally problematic is the tendency to treat all evangelicals and conservative Christians as a monolithic bloc. This analytical failure obscures the reality that many within these communities reject theocratic ambitions entirely or hold sharply divergent views on political theology. The sweeping application of the Christian nationalist label often masks the complexity of the broader right-wing coalition, which now encompasses anti-woke crusaders, pro-Israel hawks, tech-libertarians, and donor class actors whose interests may overlap with, but are not reducible to, Christian nationalist priorities.

The New Coalition Landscape

The contemporary MAGA coalition defies simple categorization, representing what might best be described as a dizzying array of competing and complementary factions. Christian nationalists remain influential, particularly on issues of abortion and religious liberty, but they are no longer the coalition's primary engine. Figures like Russ Vought continue to represent Christian nationalist interests within the Trump administration, yet their policy objectives are increasingly supported—and often overshadowed—by groups with entirely different ideological foundations.

The most visible driver of authoritarian policy today is the anti-woke movement, which has successfully positioned itself at the forefront of efforts to defund universities, dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, and control educational curricula. Their rhetoric and political influence frequently eclipse Christian nationalism in federal policymaking, demonstrating how secular concerns about cultural change can generate as much political energy as religious conviction.

Simultaneously, the pro-Israel coalition—comprising Christian Zionists, Jewish conservatives, and the broader pro-Israel lobby—has emerged as a formidable force shaping both foreign and domestic policy. Their influence extends far beyond financial contributions to encompass ideological and organizational power, particularly around anti-BDS initiatives and reinterpretations of Title VI and Title IX regulations. This coalition represents a striking example of how foreign policy commitments can reshape domestic political priorities.

The tech-libertarian faction, embodied by figures like Elon Musk and Peter Thiel alongside crossover donors, pursues an agenda of administrative state dismantling, surveillance expansion, and privatization that owes nothing to Christian nationalist ideology. Their vision of American transformation is fundamentally technocratic rather than theological, yet they have found common cause with religious conservatives on questions of government overreach and institutional reform.

Perhaps most tellingly, tensions have emerged between the America First movement and the pro-Israel wing of the coalition. Isolationists and anti-interventionists, including figures like Tucker Carlson and Marjorie Taylor Greene, increasingly find themselves at odds with pro-Israel hawks as the risk of U.S. involvement in new Middle East conflicts rises. This has led to the emergence of "Israel First" as a pejorative label used by America Firsters to criticize those they perceive as prioritizing Israeli interests over American non-interventionism. Meanwhile, populist elements supporting figures like RFK Jr. add yet another layer of ideological diversity, often with minimal connection to Christian nationalist concerns.

Policy Implications and Future Trajectories

The diminished centrality of Christian nationalism becomes apparent when examining actual policy outcomes. The absence of a federal abortion ban—a core Christian nationalist priority—underscores the movement's limited influence on national policy. Trump has notably distanced himself from overt Christian nationalist symbolism and reduced his reliance on figures like Leonard Leo, signaling a broader shift in coalition priorities.

The most aggressive authoritarian initiatives of the current era—targeting universities, museums, and federal agencies—are primarily driven by anti-woke and pro-Israel agendas rather than Christian nationalist rhetoric. This represents a significant departure from the first Trump administration, when religious liberty concerns provided the primary justification for expanding executive power.

Yet the coalition's resilience lies precisely in its pluralism. Even as Christian nationalist influence wanes, other factions continue advancing the authoritarian agenda through different channels and justifications. Russ Vought's Christian nationalist-aligned policies often receive support from non-Christian nationalist groups, demonstrating the coalition's remarkable adaptability and the fungible nature of authoritarian politics.

This dynamic suggests that common fears of a "Handmaid's Tale"-style theocratic dystopia may be overstated. The MAGA coalition's authoritarianism is undeniably real, but it is shaped by a complex interplay of secular, technocratic, and pro-Israel interests as much as by Christian nationalist ideology. The threat to democratic institutions comes not from any single ideological tradition but from the convergence of multiple authoritarian impulses across different segments of the American right.

Conclusion

Christian nationalism remains a significant force in American politics, but it no longer serves as the primary driver of the MAGA coalition's authoritarian transformation. The coalition's political momentum now derives from overlapping interests and strategic alliances among anti-woke, pro-Israel, tech-libertarian, America First, and populist factions, each contributing distinct elements to the broader conservative project.

Understanding this evolution requires careful disaggregation of the various forces shaping contemporary American conservatism. Future political developments will depend on the shifting balance of power within this heterogeneous coalition rather than on the influence of Christian nationalism alone. The challenge for analysts and observers is to recognize both the continued importance of Christian nationalist politics and the broader constellation of forces that now define the American right, avoiding both the temptation to reduce complex phenomena to simple narratives and the risk of overlooking genuine threats to democratic governance.

The transformation of Christian nationalism from central driver to coalition partner reflects broader changes in American political culture, where traditional religious and cultural conflicts increasingly intersect with new forms of technological, economic, and geopolitical competition. How these various streams of conservative politics will ultimately combine—or potentially conflict—remains one of the most important questions facing American democracy in the years ahead